This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
JERUSALEM – One of the features of the Trump administration – and which perhaps differentiates it from the first time he served in the White House – is how tightly the messaging has so far been controlled. With the exception of the president and Vice President J.D. Vance, other top officials seem to be diligently attempting to correct the mess the Biden administration left them and actually not saying too much.
Contrast this approach with the Islamic regime in Iran, which seems to be offering pronouncements – sometimes in conflict with each other – about a myriad of issues, as it seeks to test the diplomatic water with regard to President Trump and the rest of his administration.
One is left with the impression the regime in Tehran is deliberately trying to muddy the waters, and having played former secretary of state Anthony Blinken among others like a fiddle, they are trying to repeat the trick with the Trump administration. By calibrating the mixed messaging – by turns aggressive and conciliatory – they are attempting to obfuscate what their intentions truly are.
Within the last month, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps released a video which purported to show an enormous underground Navy base, buried some 500m below sea level. An IRGC Navy commander based there said three Zolfaghar vessels could destroy or put out of action a U.S. Navy aircraft carrier.
The Islamic regime waited until Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu landed on U.S. soil to post pictures and videos of its underground so-called "Missile City," displaying hundreds of cruise and ballistic missiles. Paired with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi's interview with Qatari state mouthpiece Al Jazeera in which he called military action against the country's nuclear sites "one of the greatest historical mistakes the U.S. could make," the threat part of the message seems obvious and clear.
On Sunday, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei noted Iranians have the courage to say "Death to America," and were prepared to push back against its perceived "arrogance." Certain sections of Iran's leadership and society has been saying this for more than 40 years, so why the reminder?
There is an argument this braggadocio, macho posturing and bravado actually masks a deep sense of unease in Tehran at Trump's return to the White House. Despite the fact this is his second administration, the four year hiatus has no doubt changed his perspective on things.
While he has publicly said he would prefer a diplomatic solution to Iran's nuclear ambitions – a topic of conversation guaranteed to take up significant time with Netanyahu during his trip – it might not mean he would not provide Israel the tools to try and do so.
Another thorny issue no doubt playing on the minds of the mullahs is they planned to assassinate the president – as well as having other high-value American targets on their hit lists. Although there is no concrete evidence linking Iran to the Butler, Pa., shooting in July, the Secret Service informed Trump in 2024 there were threats on his life emanating from Tehran as they did not wish him to run in the election.
There is no doubt a president who does not have to worry about reelection and who can be thin-skinned about slights perceived or otherwise, may respond extreme aggressively to leaders who plotted to have him killed.
Additionally, the elimination of former Qods Force commander Qassem Soleimani still looms large. Trump's decision to take out such an important player – one who has not yet been adequately replaced – and on a third party's soil (Iraq) to boot is evidence of unpredictability and highly consequential decision-making. Under Biden and his weakling administration, Iran more or less knew what it was getting. For all its bluster, it cannot say the same of Trump.
